stories of the old days. Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in defense of the fatherland. The names of Dingane and Bambata, Moshoeshoe and Sekhukhuni, were praised as the glory of the entire African nation. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle. This is what has motivated me in all that I have done.  Having said this, I must deal immediately with the question of violence. I do not deny that I planned sabotage. I didn’t plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love. of violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political sihe others who started the organization, did so for two reasons. Firstly, we believed that as a result of Government policy, violence by the African people had become inevitable., and that unless responsible leadership was given to canalize and control the feelings of our people, there would be outbreaks of terrorism which would produce an intensity of bitterness and hostility between the various races of this country which is not produced even by war. Secondly, we felt thaaced in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent. state of inferiority, or to defy the Government. We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.  But the violence which we chose to adopt was not terrorism. We who formed Umkhonto we Sizwe were all members of the African National Congresson-violence and negotiation as a means of solving political disputes.. We believe that South Africa belongs to all the people who live in it, and not to one group, be it black or white. We did not want an interracial war, and tried to avoid it to the last minute. already scores of Africans had died as a result of racial friction..  South Africa is the richest country in Africa, and could be one of the richest countries iring the debate on the Bantu Education Bill in 1953:  “When I have control of native education I will reform it so that natives will be taught from childhood; to realize that equality witha chance in life to use his knowledge.”  Africans who do obtain employment in the unskilled and semi-skilled occupations which are open to them are not allowed to form trade unions which have recognition under the industrican governments towards African workers is demonstrated by the so-called ‘civilised labour pnt jobs are found for those white workers who cannot make the                                          

 grade in industry, at wages which far exceed the earnings of the average African employee in ing that Africans in South Africa are economically better off than the inhabitants of the other countries in Africa. I do not know whether this statement is true and doubt whether there is any comparison. can be made without having regard to the cost-of-living index in such countries. But even if it isttrue,, as far as the African people are concerned it is irrelevant.. Our complaint is not that we are poor by comparison with people in other countries, but that we are poor by comparison with the white people in our own country, and that we are prevented by legislation from altering this imbalance.  the lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct result of the policy of white supremacy.te breed. They do not look upon them as people with families of their own; they do not realize that they have emotions – that they fall in love like white people do; that they want to be with their wives and children like white people want to be with theirs; that they want to earn enough money to rt and lead to the breakdown of family life.  Poverty and the breakdown of family life have secondary effects. children wander about the streets of the townships because they have no schools to go to, or no money to enable them to go to school, or no parents at home to see that they go to school, because both parents (if there be two) have to work to keep the family alive. This leads to a breakdown in moral standards, to an alarming rise in illegitimacy., and to growing violence which erupts not only politically, but everywhere. life in the townships is dangerous. There is not a day that goes by without somebody being stabbed or assaulted. And violence is carried out of the townships into the white living areas. People are afraid to walk alone. in the streets after dark. Housebreakings and robberies are increasing, despite the fact that the death sentence can now be imposed for such offenses..  Death sentences cannot cure the festering sore.  Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born, there. Africans want to be allowed to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to live. in rented houses which they can never call their own. Africans want to be part of the general population, and not confined to living in their own ghettos. African men want to have their wives and children to live with them where they work, permanently. 

Works cited: Mandela, Nelson. “Transcript: Nelson Mandela Speech ‘I Am Prepared to Die’.” SBS News, 1964, https://www.sbs.com.au/news/article/transcript-nelson-mandela-speech-i-am-prepared-to-die/acc7mlanu.